Ethiopia is facing an
Ethiopia is facing an “existential crisis”, said Haitham Nouri
in Al-Ahram[1] (Cairo). As the
country’s civil war entered its second year this month, the rebel
Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) was advancing deep into
territory controlled by federal forces, and threatening to march on
the capital Addis Ababa.
On Facebook, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed called on all Ethiopians
“to organise and march… using every weapon and power… to
prevent, reverse and bury the terrorist TPLF”. The war had begun
last November with Abiy promising a swift operation to bring the
rebellious northern Tigray region under control.
He declared victory within a month; but since then, the TPLF has
launched an astonishing fightback. It has created a rebel alliance
with the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), drawn from the nation’s
largest ethnic group, which last week was 150 miles from the
capital. Most of the inhabitants of Addis Ababa are Amhara, the
nation’s second-largest group, under whose leadership the country
was united in the 19th century. They still “dominate the country’s
political elite and middle class and therefore fear revenge from
the Tigray and other groups”.
As well they might, said Robbie Corey-Boulet in The Mail &
Guardian[2] (Cape Town). The war was
brutal; the federal army and its Eritrean allies were accused of
committing mass atrocities against Tigrayans. And “a mostly hidden
feature” of the civil war since has been “a mass campaign of
arbitrary arrests” targeting Tigrayans in Addis Ababa and elsewhere
in Ethiopia.
The government has described it as a legitimate operation to
stamp out TPLF terrorist cells, but reports suggest an
“indiscriminate operation” ensnaring everyone from soldiers to day
labourers to clergymen. “TPLF-supporting” businesses (i.e. those
owned by Tigrayans) have been closed down. Amnesty International
reports that more than 1,000 people are held at one camp in squalid
conditions. Military courts have handed down death sentences to
“traitorous” Tigrayan officers.
If Addis Ababa falls, there is a risk of major ethnic strife,
said The Nation[3]
(Nairobi). “A mosaic of more than 80 ethnicities, Ethiopia may find
itself mirroring the fate of the former Yugoslavia.” As the TPLF
advances, it is likely to “encounter stiff resistance from Amhara
military fighters who have mobilised in large numbers”. But taking
the capital “may not be what the rebels have in mind”.
They have captured the strategic towns of Dessie and Kombolcha
in Amhara, and are moving east to capture the road to the port of
Djibouti. This would ease humanitarian access to Tigray, where the
UN says hundreds of thousands are on the brink of famine – thanks,
the TPLF claims, to a government blockade. Capturing the road would
also allow Tigrayan fighters to block the crucial supply route to
Addis Ababa. “The strategy seems to be to strangle Addis rather
than take it.” This would put the rebels in a stronger position for
future negotiations.
There is little prospect of a ceasefire, said The Addis
Standard[4]. Abiy is demanding that
the TPLF withdraw to Tigray, and recognise the government’s
legitimacy. The TPLF has rejected those demands.
There are “no easy solutions”, said Seifudein Adem
in Foreign
Policy[5] (Washington DC). The
basic issue is how much autonomy Ethiopia’s regions should have.
The TPLF, which was in power until 2018, dismantled Amhara
dominance of Ethiopia. The Amhara – ironically, led by an Oromo PM,
Abiy – want to restore it. Ethiopia is now on the brink of
“irreversible state collapse, which would also have regionwide
consequences”. It “is reaching a stage where it cannot save
itself”.
Ideally, the African Union would step in to save it, but it is
headquartered in Addis Ababa, and is “unlikely to upset its host”.
The idea of US intervention – American forces are stationed in
Djibouti – is unpopular. But in truth, “only the West has the
willingness and capacity to rescue the Ethiopian state from
devouring its own citizens – and eventually itself”.
References
- ^
Al-Ahram
(english.ahram.org.eg) - ^
The
Mail & Guardian (mg.co.za) - ^
The
Nation (nation.africa) - ^
The
Addis Standard (addisstandard.com) - ^
Foreign Policy
(foreignpolicy.com)
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